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In late August, as the 2008 U.S. presidential race approached its last lap, the nominees of both the Democratic and Republican parties chose running mates whose biases and sensibilities lie to their political right -- not least on issues of sexual freedom and civil liberties impacting gay people.

Democratic candidate Barack Obama, whose bid for the presidency is predicated on change, chose Senator Joe Biden (D.-Delaware), an exemplar of the status quo. The announcement, at least, was made by nontraditional means: a text message transmitted to Obama supporters' cell phones at 3 a.m. on August 23.

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A career politician first elected to the U.S. Senate in 1972, Biden is a consummate Washington insider whose baggage includes a cozy relationship with lobbyists who find him responsive to their needs. His status as Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee is regarded by some as a fitting counterweight to Obama's perceived lack of foreign policy experience. Because Biden advocated a "preventive" invasion of Iraq as far back as 1998, his selection as his party's vice-presidential nominee also seems intended as a sop to "national security Democrats" who keep prodding Obama to back away from his antiwar stance and get tougher.

Biden's voting record on civil liberties is a mixed bag. He has leaned toward endorsement of pro-gay legislation, although he did vote in favor of the homophobic federal Defense of Marriage Act in 1996. The centrist gay rights organization Human Rights Campaign gave Obama high marks for choosing Biden; in a statement, HRC president Joe Solomonese called Biden "a proven and effective advocate for fairness and equality that our community can be proud of." The HRC currently measures Biden's voting record on its issues with a 78 percent rating.

Biden was also heartily endorsed by the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force and other major gay organizations. "We're very enthusiastic about Biden," says Peter Schott of Stonewall Democrats' Delaware chapter. "Voting favorably on gay issues is his natural instinct."

Among gay activists, most of the dissent has come from individuals. "Biden is to the right of John McCain on the war," complains Bill Dobbs, founder of the queer organization Sex Panic and a vocal opponent of U.S. involvement in Iraq. "Gay Democrats have been towed into the junkyard the Democratic Party calls a social movement."

"Maybe Biden's been in the Senate for 35 years, but I'm not convinced he's done a goddamn thing that really matters," says Florida-based lesbian historian Gail Cohen, who considers Biden an old-guard politician with an overrated record on gay and women's issues.

On the Republican side, John McCain -- apparently responsive to the idea that longevity of service doesn't necessarily count -- homed in on Sarah Palin, a right-wing Alaska politician just two years into her first term as governor of her home state. She previously served as mayor of Wasilla, a minuscule town within commuting distance of Anchorage. A dedicated born-again Christian and a member of Feminists for Life, Palin chaired the Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission in 2003-2004. Early press releases from the McCain camp cited Palin's purported strength on energy issues as a major reason for her selection.

But the most compelling reason why Palin edged out McCain's personal preference, Senator Joe Lieberman (I-Connecticut), is her appeal to social and religious conservatives. In 2007, Christian Right power broker James Dobson, founder of Focus on the Family, said, "I would not vote for John McCain under any circumstances... I pray we won't get stuck with him." Shortly after the announcement that McCain had designated Saran Palin as his running mate, however, Dobson pronounced the choice "outstanding" and "reassuring to the conservative base" of the Republican Party. A secondary consideration is Palin's possible appeal to blue-collar Democrats wary of Obama. The astuteness of the choice was reflected in a sudden uptick of campaign donations from previously undecided voters.

Palin was somewhat upstaged by Hurricane Gustav bearing down on New Orleans as the Republican National Convention got underway in St. Paul, Minnesota. Scrambling to avoid a repeat of the public relations disaster surrounding Hurricane Katrina in 2005, Republicans canceled much of the scheduled hoopla. By Labor Day evening, however, Hurricane Gustav was itself being upstaged by accounts of Palin's 17-year-old daughter Bristol's out-of-wedlock pregnancy. Also upstaged were many more meaningful concerns regarding Palin's competence, her integrity, and the vetting process that had led to her selection.

Nevertheless, as more facts became known about Palin, many of Biden's critics fell silent.

Gay journalist Bruce Mirken, currently a spokesman for the pro-legalization Marijuana Policy Project (MPP), believes the election of a Democratic President is essential for humane and meaningful social reform. "The bottom line," he says, "is that the Obama-Biden ticket offers hope. McCain-Palin offers none."

Also this issue:
Joe Biden: A gay-rights liberal
Is Palin queer?